THE ANATOMY OF A CONGRESSIONAL REVOLT

I. Prologue: The Checkmate of the New Year

The dawn of 2026 has brought no respite to the political turmoil in the Philippines. Instead, the conflict has intensified, centering on a battle of narratives between the leadership of the House of Representatives and a neophyte congressman armed with digital evidence.

The issue at hand is the alleged distribution of multi-million peso bonuses to legislators in exchange for their votes on the national budget. The theme of this investigation is the “Architecture of Allowances”—how systemic corruption is allegedly hidden within the legitimate budget items of Maintenance and Other Operating Expenses (MOOE).

II. The Tale of Two Statements: Denial vs. Admission

The public is currently navigating a labyrinth of contradictory statements. On one side stands Rep. Mikaela Suansing, Chairperson of the House Committee on Appropriations, who “vehemently denies” the existence of any PHP 2 million Christmas bonus. Her denial is absolute, framing the allegation as a fabrication.

On the other side stands Deputy Speaker Roberto “Robbie” Puno, who offered a more nuanced—and perhaps damaging—admission. When pressed by media, Puno did not deny receiving funds. Instead, he pivoted to the concept of “additional activities” and “adjustments” granted by the House leadership based on the size of a congressman’s constituency. He explicitly mentioned receiving “bundles of checks” (though he later corrected himself to say he didn’t know if they were cash or checks), claiming everything was “receipted.”

This contradiction creates a forensic gap. If Suansing says zero bonus, and Puno admits to millions in additional funding (whatever the label), the public is left to conclude that the “bonus” exists but is simply categorized under a different name to avoid scrutiny.

III. The Leviste Evidence: Photos of the Landbank Checks

Batangas First District Representative Leandro Leviste has moved beyond verbal allegations. He claims to possess photographic evidence of Landbank checks distributed to congressmen on the exact day of the budget vote in October. According to Leviste, the timing was not coincidental; it was designed to ensure a quorum and a favorable vote.

Leviste detailed the breakdown of a congressman’s financial intake:

Salary: Approx. PHP 300,000/month (standardized).

Monthly Operating Budget: Approx. PHP 1,000,000/month.

Alleged Bonus 1: PHP 1.5 million given earlier.

Alleged Bonus 2: PHP 2 million given during the budget vote/Christmas.

Total Annual Intake: Approximately PHP 20 million per congressman.

The revelation that the House increased its own MOOE fund by PHP 7.8 billion without debate or committee reflection is a red flag for forensic accountants. Leviste argues that this increase alone—when divided by the number of congressmen—accounts for roughly PHP 24 million per legislator per year, far exceeding legitimate operational needs.

IV. The “Forcible Taking” Narrative Collapses

The administration’s attempt to discredit Leviste by accusing him of “forcibly taking” the Cabral Files has largely backfired. As analyzed in previous reports, the release of CCTV footage showing Leviste in the DPWH office served to authenticate his presence and his possession of the documents. Leviste’s response—thanking the DPWH for confirming the authenticity of his files—was a tactical masterstroke.

By focusing on the method of acquisition rather than the content of the files, the Palace inadvertently signaled that the files contain truths they are desperate to suppress. Leviste’s defense is simple: the documents are public records regarding public funds. There is no law that makes the budget of the DPWH a state secret.

V. The Troll Farm Payroll: Funded by Taxpayers?

Perhaps the most damaging allegation from Leviste is the claim that the House MOOE is being used to fund “social media trolls.” He cited a “CARE Program” where congressmen are allegedly given slots to hire 10 to 100 individuals who act as “keyboard warriors.” These individuals reportedly undergo training seminars to defend the House leadership online.

If true, this represents a massive misappropriation of public funds. Taxpayer money, intended for legislative research and constituent service, is being diverted to manipulate public opinion and attack critics. This creates a “feedback loop” where the government pays to praise itself, effectively k*lling organic public discourse.

VI. The Panic of the “Saintly” Names

Leviste noted that when he took photos of the checks, the House leadership “started panicking” and calling people to suppress the information. This reaction suggests a consciousness of guilt. If the checks were for legitimate “district activities” as Rep. Puno claims, why the panic? Why the vehement denial from Rep. Suansing?

The silence of other prominent congressmen—such as those linked to the “19th Congress” leadership—is deafening. The public is beginning to see a pattern: those who deny are on the defensive, and those who remain silent are hoping the storm passes. But with Leviste threatening to air “all the dirty laundry” during an ethics investigation, the storm is likely just beginning.

VII. Conclusion: The Audit of 2026

As the Philippines moves deeper into 2026, the battle lines are drawn. The “Cabral Files” and the “Leviste Ledger” have exposed a system where billions of pesos are treated as “allowances” and where the national budget is a tool for political patronage.

The challenge now lies with the institutions of justice. Will the Ombudsman investigate the 18 billion peso MOOE fund with the same vigor it applied to the “forcible taking” allegation? Will the Commission on Audit (COA) finally penetrate the “bloody” defense of the House budget? The “Merry Christmas” promise may have been broken, but the New Year guarantees a reckoning. The receipts are out, the checks are photographed, and for the first time in years, the House of Representatives is being forced to explain why its “operating expenses” cost more than the infrastructure it is supposed to build.